Following a recent Data Protection Act request I submitted to the BBC, I now have conclusive proof that influential employees of that government-run institution have a grossly inaccurate, deeply reprehensible, profoundly prejudiced and perilously self-destructive view of me.
Among a small packet of documents that I received from the BBC’s Information Policy and Compliance unit this past Monday(September 22), there is a record of BBC Norfolk reporter Mike Liggins labelling me “a crank” as he corresponds with colleagues.
Moreover, when the IP&C documentation I received is added to 1) information in my own records, 2) information I should have received from the BBC’s IP&C department but which was not included among the documents they sent me, and 3) evidence I possess of Lord Speaker Baroness D’Souza-like, democracy defeating behaviour by Liggins, former BBC Norfolk political reporter Clive Lewis (now my local MP), Wendy Witham and Gary Standley of BBC Voices, and other BBC Norfolk employees, it provides compelling, prima facie evidence of what might clinically be called a Jimmy-Savile-Shielding-Schizophrenic-Syndrome (JS4) perverting the BBC’s public service ideals.
It suggests that the greatest threat to the BBC and other media houses that promote and safeguard Britain’s democratic ideals is not being posed by David Cameron’s capitalism crazed Tories on one hand or left leaning liberal Labour Party fundamentalist socialist “cranks” like Jeremy Corbyn or Lewis on the other, but rather by the “joint Gerrymandering hands” of consciously and unconsciously corrupt, opportunistic elements in those and other political parties and power structures.
Shockingly, it points to a secret marriage of British and Barbadian silent media assassins as they corporately copulate to produce social outcomes in line with their popular democracy subverting, Bohemian Grove recalling corrupt “carnal knowledge” consuming ideologies and priorities.
I believe that at the root of Liggins’ “crank call” is the conscious or unconscious coupling or convergence of perverse purposes propelled by misinformed and morally confused persons who, like Savile, Rupert Murdoch, Barbadian publisher-spy Harold Hoyte, journalists Julian Rogers, Julius Gittens, and Karen Martindale, and educators Sir Hilary Beckles, Sir Frank Alleyne, Esther Phillips and Wendell Callender sometimes (some with predictable frequency) behave like bin-lorry-Bin-Ladin news drivers: falling asleep at the wheel.
These and other intentional and unintentional terrorist-like “sleepers” in the United kingdom, Barbados, the United States and elsewhere are not only undermining their own, my and others’ capacity to make positive contributions to society: like fabled “German engineering” gone wrong, as in the unfolding Volkswagen data distortion saga, they are undermining the BBC’s and all other public service media houses’ capacity to “inform, educate and entertain”, a function established by Lord Reith as the media’s fundamental public duty and highest call.
Behind the story
In an email dated November 20, 2013, Liggins wrote “I have been in contact with Junior Campbell. To cut a long story short (!) he appears to be a crank.”
Liggins apparently made this derogatory, dismissive comment in an effort to justify his decision earlier that year not to do a story about my efforts to expose the highly questionable employment and other corporate practices of millionaire businessman Surinder Kandola, the England-based Domino’s Pizza super-franchisee who trades as DPGS Limited.
Months before, during a chance encounter in Norwich on the morning of June 21, 2013, I had briefly alerted Liggins to the story.
Providentially, I have had separate, chance face-to-face encounters with both Mr Liggins and Mr Kandola in the past month.
The Kandola encounter, on Thursday, September 24, was within the past 48 hours.
That first, fateful Liggins “collision”
As I recall, Liggins and my paths crossed while he was covering a horrendous looking road traffic accident on Ber Street.
I was attending a hearing at the Employment Tribunal’s office on the same street, where I was challenging Kandola’s entitlement to fire me for my efforts to improve some employee working conditions and the overall corrupt corporate culture of his company.
Introducing myself to Liggins, I gave him one or two A4 size documents bearing lists of telephone numbers, addresses and other personal information of Domino’s Pizza customers.
These lists of customer contact details were among hundreds I had retrieved from the bins outside Domino’s store in the Prince of Wales area, after demoralized staffers had disposed of them recklessly and, I thought, possibly illegally.
I may also have given Liggins one of my business cards, so that he could contact me when he started working on the story.
But Liggins not only refused to do a story initially, he also proceeded to avoid and snub me by not responding to various requests I made for him to contact me.
It was only after I filed an official complaint with the BBC, more than four months after I had met Mr Liggins on Ber Street that he was prompted to call me – addressing me as “Mr Campbell”, I believe.
The term “crank” was not used by either of us during his call.
This crucial point of Liggins’ patent initial refusal to do the story – underscored by the fact that he threw away the customer information I had given him, as he concedes in a September 1, 2015 email – is obscured by the information I received from the BBC this week.
The information the binning Liggins supplied to the BBC’s PC&I department therefore appears to be a screen of smoke.
It appears to be a further demonstration of Liggins’ unwillingness or inability to engage with me frankly and fairly.
I am seeking the guidance of the Information Commissioner about the process by which Mr Liggins and the BBC may be persuaded to desist from their firefly, faint-light-like folly and give me and others who depend on their information services honest, well lit fire.
Combined with the Intelek record I have of my interaction with Mr Liggins, the documentation I received from the BBC’s IP&C people suggests that he had no reason to call me a crank initially – if at all.
The evidence suggests that he came up with the pejorative, credibility questioning crank claim to retroactively justify the extreme prejudice with which he had treated me at first.
The crank comment is to that extent consistent with the stubborn resistance Mr Liggins demonstrated when, having been forced by my complaint to contact me, he then proceeded to manufacture obstacles that appear calculated to delay or completely remove the prospect of him ever having to report my story and thereby amplify my voice.
In an email to me, dated November 18, 2013 Liggins cited the fact that I had lost the case against Domino’s as a difficulty preventing the BBC from moving forward with my story and suggested that I get two or three other Domino’s employees to take the matter forward.
Claiming that my naming of one other Domino’s driver, Michael Smythe, was not enough to merit a BBC investigation, he wrote “I’d need more than one name (two or three at least), a list of the grievances and some evidence to prove the fact. Otherwise, I’m sorry to say I don’t think I can help.”
The smugness of this essential-issues-minimizing strategy is actually reminiscent of tactics employed by Barbadian Prime Minister Freundel Stuart, his business minister Donville Inniss and other Barbadian politicians, journalists, academics, artists, religious clerics and business people.
Like Bin Liggins, they have been going to extreme lengths to either misrepresent or suppress the good I have done and continue to do as a workers rights and wider human rights activist.
By various information distorting and talent trashing means, they have been blocking and suppressing public knowledge of my Pan Humanist activist achievements and simultaneously downplaying the price I have had to pay for that activism –a price imposed on me because my activism has been essentially independent of corporate capitalist, trade unionist or political party patronage and protection.
So when the talent trashing “terrorist” Liggins refers to this publicity blocking, silencing tactic obliquely, saying “I haven’t ruled out doing a story, but have tried to set the bar high,” he is evidently attempting to deceive his BBC Complaints department colleagues, me and the tax-paying public at large.
The impression Liggins is seeking to create is that of a journalist acting objectively and responsibly when in fact he has already prejudged and discredited me for some undeclared reason.
Kandola’s big let-off (or Brotherhood of the goat”)
Moreover, in addition to being a rather dismissive, disrespectful assessment of my workers rights advocacy, capitalism reform advocacy and wider human rights activism and bona fides, Mr Liggins’ characterization of me as “a crank” does nothing to explain why he and everyone else at the BBC failed to seize the opportunity to investigate a powerful businessman whose seemingly unethical practices they had reported on before.
The fact is, the BBC, the Mirror and possibly other news houses had apparently shone a light on Mr Kandola’s dark deeds from as far back as 2007.
So if my losing the ET case or other questions about my credibility were making story-binning-Liggins and possibly his editor Tim Clayton and BBC legal counsel hesitant about investigating my story, why not side-step or minimize the so-called “crank” (me) and do a follow-up to their and the Mirror’s previous reports?
Actually, while already being alert to the possibility that I was being blacklisted by some UK and other international media houses, I felt the BBC would be keen to revisit the abuse of immigrant workers and other themes that had figured prominently in their previous Kandola-Domino’s Pizza report.
They could even have approached the issue as a public health policy and political party funding story, as a September 9, 2012 Daily Mirror story had done.
A more creative, less cranky BBC journalist might even have seen the opportunity to compare Kandola’s and Domino’s fast food corruption with the superficiality of Murdoch-empire news production and consumption, the challenges such intellectual obesity hazarding, cholesterol-rich news coverage and analysis poses for any society’s democratic function.
Instead they focused on silencing this “crank”, limiting my contribution to and participation in public dialogue.
Like the Barbados government-run Caribbean Broadcasting Corporation, the Nation and Barbados Today newspapers and even CNN (thanks partly to Fareed Zakaria) and Thomson-Reuters, Liggins and the BBC refused to give the oxygen of publicity and citizen engagement to the sensible, sensitive and skilful treatment I bring to complex race, gender, religious and other human rights advocacy.
Who else in the UK or elsewhere could have addressed the tragically compromised, defective moral compass of Abraham Eshetu with the empathy that I have?
Who else could put Raj Kandola’s corporate crusade in its proper nihilistic, self-destructive, Talibank-thinking Asian-British cultural context?
Could VS Naipaul critique Kandola’s and other Asian-British business mogul’s tight-fisted-teaology justified business culture as critically yet compassionately as I?
Could any other writer anywhere analyse my local MP Clive Lewis’ political past, assess his political present and predict his political future – and that of the ideological crank Jeremy Corbyn he pushed to succeed Ed Miliband – with my penetrative vision and resonant, rigorously reasoning voice?
Could anyone else compare and calibrate the time-and-space transcending coordinates of the Lewis-Miliband “brotherhood of the goat” with the Afro-Asian Trinidadian “brotherhood of the boat” as I am doing at this very moment?
I think not.
Liggins and others at the BBC may be convinced that the Norfolk and wider British public will thank them for suppressing this crank’s curiously cogent, coherent and consistent speaking-truth-to-power talent.
I ‘m not so sure.
To be continued…